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House of Huawei

The Secret History of China's Most Powerful Company

Author Eva Dou
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The untold story of the mysterious company that shook the world.

On the coast of southern China, an eccentric entrepreneur spent three decades steadily building an obscure telecom company into one of the world’s most powerful technological empires with hardly anyone noticing. This all changed in December 2018, when the detention of Meng Wanzhou, Huawei Technologies’ female scion, sparked an international hostage standoff, poured fuel on the US-China trade war, and suddenly thrust the mysterious company into the global spotlight.

In House of Huawei, Washington Post technology reporter Eva Dou pieces together a remarkable portrait of Huawei’s reclusive founder, Ren Zhengfei, and how he built a sprawling corporate empire—one whose rise Western policymakers have become increasingly obsessed with halting. Based on wide-ranging interviews and painstaking archival research, House of Huawei dissects the global web of power, money, influence, surveillance, bloodshed, and national glory that Huawei helped to build—and that has also ensnared it.
1

The Bookseller

The Ren Family: 1937-1968

Ren Moxun sold "good books." That was what he and his friends called patriotic literature. They were seeking to inspire their countrymen to heroism at a time when it was urgently needed. They'd considered names like Advancement Bookstore and Pioneering Bookstore before finally settling on July Seventh Bookstore. The reference was obvious: Earlier that year, on July 7, 1937, Japanese troops had crossed the Marco Polo Bridge, captured the capital, and continued their invasion of China. World War II would not come for Europe for another two years, when Adolf Hitler invaded Poland. But here in China, the war was already upon them. Ren Moxun opened up the bookstore in the small town of Rongxian, in southern Guangxi Province, and threw himself into the war effort.

Ren Moxun was around twenty-seven at this time, and he had a high forehead, long cheeks, and bushy eyebrows. The only one among his siblings to have attended university, he cultivated a professorial air and wore horn-rimmed spectacles. He revered books, schooling, and the written word, a predisposition he would pass down to his seven children. At the time he opened his bookstore, reading was still a hobby for the privileged elite. If you pulled five people off the street at random, you'd be lucky if one could read. Chinese script was difficult to learn: it had no alphabet, and you had to memorize each word, one by one. Still, there was enough interest in Rongxian for a bookstore. Ren Moxun stocked revolutionary titles from a supplier in Guilin: Karl Marx's Das Kapital, Vladimir Lenin's The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky, the complete works of the modern Chinese thinker Lu Xun. He and his colleagues placed a bench at the front so that frugal students could sit and read for free. Outside the bookstore, they propped up a blackboard to scrawl news of the war, something of an unofficial village newspaper. They started a political reading club too, which gathered for spirited discussions.

In his day job, Ren Moxun served as an accountant for a Nationalist military factory supporting the fight against Japan. The Nationalists, China's rulers at the time, were also embroiled in a civil war against Mao Zedong's Communists, who were seeking to overthrow them with the help of the peasantry. As they fought Japan's invasion, the two sides had brokered a delicate truce, an agreement Ren Moxun strongly endorsed. When one faction of Communist revolutionaries in his town began advocating to end the détente with the Nationalists, he denounced them as traitors. These were tense times. People disagreed on what was the right path for the nation, on who was friend or foe, on whether a book was a "good book" or not. One day in March 1938, some Nationalist officers searched the bookstore and pulled out a big pile of books that they demanded not be sold. Ren Moxun and his colleagues found a clever workaround. They piled the banned books into a vitrine and scrawled a sign on it: Inside This Cabinet Are Banned Books. As it turned out, the books inside the cabinet sold briskly.

The July Seventh Bookstore was shut down by the Nationalists in the second half of 1939. Its owners held a fire sale to get a last batch of good books out to the people. Ren Moxun considered traveling to Yan'an to join Mao's Communists but found the roads impassable. So he crossed to the rolling hills of the neighboring province, Guizhou, where he found work as a teacher.

Guizhou Province is a hilly region slightly smaller than Missouri, set inland from China's southwestern border with Vietnam. Monsoons sweep the subtropical region each summer, watering the terraced paddies of sticky rice. Cold drizzles continue through the winter. The area's indigenous people were the Bouyei, who spoke their own language and also inhabited northern Vietnam. For centuries, China's emperors considered the area an impoverished borderland where even cooking salt was sometimes in short supply. Even in the modern day, Guizhou retains the reputation of a hardship posting for officials.

In Guizhou, Ren Moxun met a seventeen-year-old named Cheng Yuanzhao. With big brown eyes, round cheeks, and a broad smile, she was also bright and good with numbers. They married, and Cheng Yuanzhao soon became pregnant.

Their son was born in October 1944, and they named him Ren Zhengfei. It was an ambiguous name. Zheng meant "correct," and fei meant "not." "Right or wrong" would be a fair translation. It wasn't like the common, straightforward boys' names. Jiabao meant "family treasure." Jianguo meant "build the nation." But what did a name like his mean?

Japan's occupation of China ended abruptly the year after Ren Zhengfei's birth, when the Americans dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. For all the efforts of Ren Moxun and his compatriots, it was America's superior bomb technology that ended the Japanese occupation. In China, there would not yet be peace. Civil war resumed between the Nationalists and Communists. Ren Moxun and Cheng Yuanzhao had six more children, all while both parents worked teaching local students in spare conditions, under the glow of kerosene lamps. Cheng served for a period as an elementary school principal.

In 1949, Mao Zedong emerged victorious. It was clear that Ren Moxun had picked the wrong side by working for the Nationalists during the war. It wasn't yet clear how dire the consequences would be for his family.

On a foggy morning in 1950, Ren Moxun rode a horse-drawn carriage into the town of Zhenning. The name Zhenning meant “town of peace,” but Ren Moxun, seated in the middle of the cart and surrounded by three armed men who kept their Mauser guns trained outward, arrived with some trepidation. The fog was so thick the men could see only a few meters ahead on the winding dirt road, and they feared that unfriendly locals might attack them. Officials had tasked Ren Moxun with launching a new middle school for Bouyei children in Zhenning, one that would teach them the Mandarin Chinese language and help integrate them into the nascent Communist republic. Mao’s new government was seeking to solidify its control over a sprawling territory that, for most of its history, had been not a unified whole but self-governing fiefdoms speaking different tongues. A unifying language was not just a linguistic issue but a political one.

Ren Moxun and his colleagues began setting up a new boarding school, going door-to-door to recruit students across the countryside. Fewer than half of the students spoke fluent Mandarin. Many of the older residents didn't speak Mandarin at all. Ren Moxun and his staff learned conversational Bouyei. Attendance was a challenge for students who had to travel a great distance. Many families also couldn't afford the school fees. Ren Moxun and his staff came up with a solution: the students and faculty would make up the budget shortfall through part-time farming. He got the government to give them an acre of land, where the students planted crops and raised pigs. The labor of the students and teachers enabled the school to cover its costs, including meals and a free blue uniform for each student.

Mao's officials believed they were extending a civilizing influence to the nation's frontiers-Guizhou in the south, Inner Mongolia in the north, Tibet and Xinjiang in the west. The residents didn't necessarily see it that way. They had lived for centuries with their own languages and customs, and they were now being compelled to assimilate. There were those who did not like Ren Moxun and his school either. After someone threatened to kill him with a hand grenade-the precise reasons are unclear-the school was issued four rifles to protect the staff and students.

One of Ren Moxun's objectives was to inculcate his students with the right beliefs. "Principal Ren, your guiding ideology must be clear," a visiting official instructed him. "You must make clear who the enemies are, who we are, who are our friends." Ren Moxun organized rallies for the students to denounce their enemies. The enemies at home were the oppressive landlords. The enemies abroad were the Americans, who were waging war against North Korea, one of China's allies. Ren Moxun reported that the "scoundrels" hidden among the teachers were successfully caught through these criticism sessions, which were often intense, with students bursting into tears. In the anti-America sessions, students offered up secondhand accounts of atrocities committed by US troops in the area, presumably when they had passed through during World War II. One student said a US soldier had shot a farmer for sport near the Yellow Fruit Waterfall. Another said a classmate's sister had been dragged into a jeep and raped. It was hard to say what, exactly, had happened years ago with US soldiers, but the resentment against America was certainly real.

Ren Moxun was a man of quiet ambition, and by age forty-five, he was beginning to gain national attention for his work. In 1955, a prominent linguistic journal published a paper of his on teaching Mandarin Chinese to Bouyei children. He outlined their successes in connecting with their pupils by learning their tongue. He noted that the Bouyei language had been changing rapidly since Mao came to power, with new terms like landlord and land reform added. His paper impressed officials at the Ministry of Education enough that they dispatched officials to visit his school. In the autumn of 1955, he was also invited to attend the landmark linguistic conference in Beijing where officials made the controversial decision to simplify the Chinese written language to boost literacy. Arriving in the nation's capital, he posed proudly for a photo on a tree-lined walkway of Beihai Park.

After returning home to Zhenning, Ren Moxun was promoted to dean of the new Duyun Normal College for Nationalities, a teachers' school for local ethnic minority students. His son Ren Zhengfei, then a middle schooler, was astonished when they moved to the county seat and saw the department store. It was his first time seeing a two-story building.

When Ren Moxun took up management of Duyun Normal College for Nationalities in 1958, Mao had just launched an ambitious national campaign dubbed the Great Leap Forward. The previous autumn, the Soviet Union had launched the world’s first artificial satellite, Sputnik 1, a technological feat that stunned the world. The Soviet Union’s leader, Nikita Khrushchev, set a goal of surpassing the US in industrial output in fifteen years. Mao was inspired to follow suit, declaring that China would catch up with the United Kingdom in fifteen years.

To meet such an astronomical goal, all of China would have to suspend business as usual for an emergency industrialization push. Duyun Normal College for Nationalities was no exception. Ren Moxun was ordered to halve the four-year curriculum to make time for steelmaking. His staff and students would work nights making steel while continuing their daytime classes, a grueling schedule. The exhausted students could only catch up on sleep during the day, and their coursework suffered.

Some steel was produced in the nationwide drive, but a lot of the amateur efforts came to naught. As farmers neglected the fields and melted farming tools to try to meet steel quotas, the crops failed. By 1959, starvation was widespread across Guizhou Province and the nation. In some Guizhou towns, grain rations were reduced to several tablespoons per person per day. Ren Moxun pleaded with local authorities to increase the students' rations, arguing that they needed more food to complete their workloads. They stretched their rations by growing radishes in the schoolyard and gathering acorns to grind into meal. The dean had Communist Party members among the staff-seen as the most morally upstanding employees-take turns guarding the pantry from theft.

Outside the schoolyard, the situation was even more dire. Local authorities across Guizhou were receiving reports of a swelling sickness. Farmers' abdomens were ballooning with fluid until it killed them. Investigations determined that the cause was starvation. By one historian's estimate, 10 percent of Guizhou's population died from the famine, one of the highest death rates in the country. The famine coincided with local unrest: At one point, officials instructed Ren Moxun and his students to disperse a crowd of angry ethnic minority villagers, which they did with reluctance. It is not clear what the villagers were protesting.

Ren Moxun's own family was struggling to put enough food on the table for their seven children. The family foraged wild roots, tasting them gingerly, unsure if they were edible. They ate wild castor beans, which gave them diarrhea. Ren Zhengfei had been an excellent student in middle school, but now he found it hard to concentrate. In his sophomore year of high school, he had to retake the final exams.

As Ren prepared for the grueling college entrance exam, the gaokao, his mother encouraged him by slipping him an extra corn cake now and then to ease his hunger pangs.

In 1963, Ren Zhengfei was accepted to the Chongqing Institute of Architecture and Engineering (later merged into Chongqing University). This was not an elite school like Tsinghua or Peking University in the capital. But for a small-town student who had just survived a famine, it was good enough indeed. Chongqing was a major inland city in Sichuan Province, which was known for its mouth-numbingly spicy cuisine and its surrounding bamboo forests, where giant pandas roamed. As a temporary wartime capital for the Nationalists in the early 1940s, it had munitions factories, heavy industry, and engineering schools.

The Great Leap Forward and the famine had ended, but Ren's college experience was still not a normal one. Mao thought young people were spending too much time with their noses in books. They should be learning by building things with their hands, with the peasantry as their tutors. In early 1964, Mao ordered universities to thin out curriculums, making room for students to learn through practical work. The professors at the Chongqing Institute of Architecture and Engineering were obliged to turn lectures into reading handouts and allow students to take open-book tests. Teams of students were sent out for stints on construction sites. Mao also ordered universities to participate in nationwide defense preparations, with students run through militia drills.

On the morning of May 14, 1966, students awoke to find all classes suspended for three days. Mao announced that class enemies had infiltrated the Communist Party and had to be rooted out. The Cultural Revolution had begun. At Ren's university, students and teachers were told to write "big-character posters," handwritten signs denouncing individuals as counterrevolutionaries. Before long, some four thousand posters papered the campus. By the summer, the professors were in terror as growing numbers of them were denounced. More and more of Ren's classmates wore the red armbands of the Red Guards, Mao's youth paramilitary organization, which was spearheading the hunt for counterrevolutionaries.
PRAISE FOR HOUSE OF HUAWEI

“In House of Huawei, Eva Dou uncovers how Huawei has become China’s most successful tech company—and a lightning rod for geopolitical competition. Based on unique interviews and deep research into the company’s history, House of Huawei provides the most in-depth account of Huawei’s rise and its complex and controversial connections to China’s security state. House of Huawei is essential reading for understanding China’s tech sector and the China-US tech competition.”
—Chris Miller, author of Chip War

“A groundbreaking work on China’s most important company. More than online shopping or video apps, the Communist Party is obsessed with telecommunications networks, semiconductors, and surveillance systems. At last we have a book that unveils Huawei’s deepest mysteries.”
—Dan Wang, fellow at Yale Law School’s Paul Tsai China Center

“Eva Dou’s House of Huawei is an extraordinary feat of both reporting and historical research, providing an unprecedented look inside one of the world’s most important companies. Huawei is now a central player in the technological contest between the US and China, and this book is a fascinating account of how it became so powerful—and so controversial.”
—Matthew Campbell, co-author of Dead in the Water

“A revelatory deep dive into the company that sparked the US-China battle for technological supremacy. Vividly written, exhaustively researched, and packed with riveting inside-the-room details, House of Huawei is the most comprehensive account yet of China’s leading tech giant. An indispensable resource for understanding Chinese state capitalism and how it fuels geopolitical competition.”
—Edward Fishman, senior research scholar at Columbia University and author of Chokepoints

“A gripping read charting the ascent of Huawei, China’s tech powerhouse. Meticulously reported, Eva Dou’s narrative combines geopolitics, spying, and technological innovation with the human story of a former People’s Liberation Army engineer who became a global business titan.”
—Lionel Barber, former editor of the Financial Times

“In House of Huawei, journalist Eva Dou has written a fascinating and sweeping history of the company and the key individuals behind the firm’s success. Unlike most contemporary accounts of the company and its relationship to the Chinese government, [Dou’s narrative draws] out the contradictions in Huawei’s status as a reluctant national champion that founder Ren Zhengfei once complained was not trusted by either the Chinese or the US government. Dou provides a particularly rich story fabric that captures the company’s complex evolution over several decades as it has become the poster child of US-China technology competition. Required reading for any serious student of US-China relations and the race to dominate the technologies of the future. A superb and nuanced summary of the good, the bad, and the ugly that characterizes the firm’s history, and shows how the sausage was made with unflagging balance and fairness.”
—Paul Triolo, partner for China and technology policy lead at Albright Stonebridge Group

“A timely, clear, and undeniably worrying account.”
Kirkus

“Authoritative… a tale that sits at the heart of the most significant geopolitical relationship today.”
– Financial Times

“A comprehensive and instructive account of [Huawei's] rapid ascent to become ‘China’s most powerful company’... There’s probably no better account of China’s rise to economic dominance as seen through the prism of a single company.”
– The Wall Street Journal
© Denis Largeron
Eva Dou is The Washington Post's China business and economy correspondent. A Detroit native, she previously spent seven years reporting on politics and technology for the Wall Street Journal in Beijing and Taipei, Taiwan. She is currently based in Washington D.C. View titles by Eva Dou

About

The untold story of the mysterious company that shook the world.

On the coast of southern China, an eccentric entrepreneur spent three decades steadily building an obscure telecom company into one of the world’s most powerful technological empires with hardly anyone noticing. This all changed in December 2018, when the detention of Meng Wanzhou, Huawei Technologies’ female scion, sparked an international hostage standoff, poured fuel on the US-China trade war, and suddenly thrust the mysterious company into the global spotlight.

In House of Huawei, Washington Post technology reporter Eva Dou pieces together a remarkable portrait of Huawei’s reclusive founder, Ren Zhengfei, and how he built a sprawling corporate empire—one whose rise Western policymakers have become increasingly obsessed with halting. Based on wide-ranging interviews and painstaking archival research, House of Huawei dissects the global web of power, money, influence, surveillance, bloodshed, and national glory that Huawei helped to build—and that has also ensnared it.

Excerpt

1

The Bookseller

The Ren Family: 1937-1968

Ren Moxun sold "good books." That was what he and his friends called patriotic literature. They were seeking to inspire their countrymen to heroism at a time when it was urgently needed. They'd considered names like Advancement Bookstore and Pioneering Bookstore before finally settling on July Seventh Bookstore. The reference was obvious: Earlier that year, on July 7, 1937, Japanese troops had crossed the Marco Polo Bridge, captured the capital, and continued their invasion of China. World War II would not come for Europe for another two years, when Adolf Hitler invaded Poland. But here in China, the war was already upon them. Ren Moxun opened up the bookstore in the small town of Rongxian, in southern Guangxi Province, and threw himself into the war effort.

Ren Moxun was around twenty-seven at this time, and he had a high forehead, long cheeks, and bushy eyebrows. The only one among his siblings to have attended university, he cultivated a professorial air and wore horn-rimmed spectacles. He revered books, schooling, and the written word, a predisposition he would pass down to his seven children. At the time he opened his bookstore, reading was still a hobby for the privileged elite. If you pulled five people off the street at random, you'd be lucky if one could read. Chinese script was difficult to learn: it had no alphabet, and you had to memorize each word, one by one. Still, there was enough interest in Rongxian for a bookstore. Ren Moxun stocked revolutionary titles from a supplier in Guilin: Karl Marx's Das Kapital, Vladimir Lenin's The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky, the complete works of the modern Chinese thinker Lu Xun. He and his colleagues placed a bench at the front so that frugal students could sit and read for free. Outside the bookstore, they propped up a blackboard to scrawl news of the war, something of an unofficial village newspaper. They started a political reading club too, which gathered for spirited discussions.

In his day job, Ren Moxun served as an accountant for a Nationalist military factory supporting the fight against Japan. The Nationalists, China's rulers at the time, were also embroiled in a civil war against Mao Zedong's Communists, who were seeking to overthrow them with the help of the peasantry. As they fought Japan's invasion, the two sides had brokered a delicate truce, an agreement Ren Moxun strongly endorsed. When one faction of Communist revolutionaries in his town began advocating to end the détente with the Nationalists, he denounced them as traitors. These were tense times. People disagreed on what was the right path for the nation, on who was friend or foe, on whether a book was a "good book" or not. One day in March 1938, some Nationalist officers searched the bookstore and pulled out a big pile of books that they demanded not be sold. Ren Moxun and his colleagues found a clever workaround. They piled the banned books into a vitrine and scrawled a sign on it: Inside This Cabinet Are Banned Books. As it turned out, the books inside the cabinet sold briskly.

The July Seventh Bookstore was shut down by the Nationalists in the second half of 1939. Its owners held a fire sale to get a last batch of good books out to the people. Ren Moxun considered traveling to Yan'an to join Mao's Communists but found the roads impassable. So he crossed to the rolling hills of the neighboring province, Guizhou, where he found work as a teacher.

Guizhou Province is a hilly region slightly smaller than Missouri, set inland from China's southwestern border with Vietnam. Monsoons sweep the subtropical region each summer, watering the terraced paddies of sticky rice. Cold drizzles continue through the winter. The area's indigenous people were the Bouyei, who spoke their own language and also inhabited northern Vietnam. For centuries, China's emperors considered the area an impoverished borderland where even cooking salt was sometimes in short supply. Even in the modern day, Guizhou retains the reputation of a hardship posting for officials.

In Guizhou, Ren Moxun met a seventeen-year-old named Cheng Yuanzhao. With big brown eyes, round cheeks, and a broad smile, she was also bright and good with numbers. They married, and Cheng Yuanzhao soon became pregnant.

Their son was born in October 1944, and they named him Ren Zhengfei. It was an ambiguous name. Zheng meant "correct," and fei meant "not." "Right or wrong" would be a fair translation. It wasn't like the common, straightforward boys' names. Jiabao meant "family treasure." Jianguo meant "build the nation." But what did a name like his mean?

Japan's occupation of China ended abruptly the year after Ren Zhengfei's birth, when the Americans dropped atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. For all the efforts of Ren Moxun and his compatriots, it was America's superior bomb technology that ended the Japanese occupation. In China, there would not yet be peace. Civil war resumed between the Nationalists and Communists. Ren Moxun and Cheng Yuanzhao had six more children, all while both parents worked teaching local students in spare conditions, under the glow of kerosene lamps. Cheng served for a period as an elementary school principal.

In 1949, Mao Zedong emerged victorious. It was clear that Ren Moxun had picked the wrong side by working for the Nationalists during the war. It wasn't yet clear how dire the consequences would be for his family.

On a foggy morning in 1950, Ren Moxun rode a horse-drawn carriage into the town of Zhenning. The name Zhenning meant “town of peace,” but Ren Moxun, seated in the middle of the cart and surrounded by three armed men who kept their Mauser guns trained outward, arrived with some trepidation. The fog was so thick the men could see only a few meters ahead on the winding dirt road, and they feared that unfriendly locals might attack them. Officials had tasked Ren Moxun with launching a new middle school for Bouyei children in Zhenning, one that would teach them the Mandarin Chinese language and help integrate them into the nascent Communist republic. Mao’s new government was seeking to solidify its control over a sprawling territory that, for most of its history, had been not a unified whole but self-governing fiefdoms speaking different tongues. A unifying language was not just a linguistic issue but a political one.

Ren Moxun and his colleagues began setting up a new boarding school, going door-to-door to recruit students across the countryside. Fewer than half of the students spoke fluent Mandarin. Many of the older residents didn't speak Mandarin at all. Ren Moxun and his staff learned conversational Bouyei. Attendance was a challenge for students who had to travel a great distance. Many families also couldn't afford the school fees. Ren Moxun and his staff came up with a solution: the students and faculty would make up the budget shortfall through part-time farming. He got the government to give them an acre of land, where the students planted crops and raised pigs. The labor of the students and teachers enabled the school to cover its costs, including meals and a free blue uniform for each student.

Mao's officials believed they were extending a civilizing influence to the nation's frontiers-Guizhou in the south, Inner Mongolia in the north, Tibet and Xinjiang in the west. The residents didn't necessarily see it that way. They had lived for centuries with their own languages and customs, and they were now being compelled to assimilate. There were those who did not like Ren Moxun and his school either. After someone threatened to kill him with a hand grenade-the precise reasons are unclear-the school was issued four rifles to protect the staff and students.

One of Ren Moxun's objectives was to inculcate his students with the right beliefs. "Principal Ren, your guiding ideology must be clear," a visiting official instructed him. "You must make clear who the enemies are, who we are, who are our friends." Ren Moxun organized rallies for the students to denounce their enemies. The enemies at home were the oppressive landlords. The enemies abroad were the Americans, who were waging war against North Korea, one of China's allies. Ren Moxun reported that the "scoundrels" hidden among the teachers were successfully caught through these criticism sessions, which were often intense, with students bursting into tears. In the anti-America sessions, students offered up secondhand accounts of atrocities committed by US troops in the area, presumably when they had passed through during World War II. One student said a US soldier had shot a farmer for sport near the Yellow Fruit Waterfall. Another said a classmate's sister had been dragged into a jeep and raped. It was hard to say what, exactly, had happened years ago with US soldiers, but the resentment against America was certainly real.

Ren Moxun was a man of quiet ambition, and by age forty-five, he was beginning to gain national attention for his work. In 1955, a prominent linguistic journal published a paper of his on teaching Mandarin Chinese to Bouyei children. He outlined their successes in connecting with their pupils by learning their tongue. He noted that the Bouyei language had been changing rapidly since Mao came to power, with new terms like landlord and land reform added. His paper impressed officials at the Ministry of Education enough that they dispatched officials to visit his school. In the autumn of 1955, he was also invited to attend the landmark linguistic conference in Beijing where officials made the controversial decision to simplify the Chinese written language to boost literacy. Arriving in the nation's capital, he posed proudly for a photo on a tree-lined walkway of Beihai Park.

After returning home to Zhenning, Ren Moxun was promoted to dean of the new Duyun Normal College for Nationalities, a teachers' school for local ethnic minority students. His son Ren Zhengfei, then a middle schooler, was astonished when they moved to the county seat and saw the department store. It was his first time seeing a two-story building.

When Ren Moxun took up management of Duyun Normal College for Nationalities in 1958, Mao had just launched an ambitious national campaign dubbed the Great Leap Forward. The previous autumn, the Soviet Union had launched the world’s first artificial satellite, Sputnik 1, a technological feat that stunned the world. The Soviet Union’s leader, Nikita Khrushchev, set a goal of surpassing the US in industrial output in fifteen years. Mao was inspired to follow suit, declaring that China would catch up with the United Kingdom in fifteen years.

To meet such an astronomical goal, all of China would have to suspend business as usual for an emergency industrialization push. Duyun Normal College for Nationalities was no exception. Ren Moxun was ordered to halve the four-year curriculum to make time for steelmaking. His staff and students would work nights making steel while continuing their daytime classes, a grueling schedule. The exhausted students could only catch up on sleep during the day, and their coursework suffered.

Some steel was produced in the nationwide drive, but a lot of the amateur efforts came to naught. As farmers neglected the fields and melted farming tools to try to meet steel quotas, the crops failed. By 1959, starvation was widespread across Guizhou Province and the nation. In some Guizhou towns, grain rations were reduced to several tablespoons per person per day. Ren Moxun pleaded with local authorities to increase the students' rations, arguing that they needed more food to complete their workloads. They stretched their rations by growing radishes in the schoolyard and gathering acorns to grind into meal. The dean had Communist Party members among the staff-seen as the most morally upstanding employees-take turns guarding the pantry from theft.

Outside the schoolyard, the situation was even more dire. Local authorities across Guizhou were receiving reports of a swelling sickness. Farmers' abdomens were ballooning with fluid until it killed them. Investigations determined that the cause was starvation. By one historian's estimate, 10 percent of Guizhou's population died from the famine, one of the highest death rates in the country. The famine coincided with local unrest: At one point, officials instructed Ren Moxun and his students to disperse a crowd of angry ethnic minority villagers, which they did with reluctance. It is not clear what the villagers were protesting.

Ren Moxun's own family was struggling to put enough food on the table for their seven children. The family foraged wild roots, tasting them gingerly, unsure if they were edible. They ate wild castor beans, which gave them diarrhea. Ren Zhengfei had been an excellent student in middle school, but now he found it hard to concentrate. In his sophomore year of high school, he had to retake the final exams.

As Ren prepared for the grueling college entrance exam, the gaokao, his mother encouraged him by slipping him an extra corn cake now and then to ease his hunger pangs.

In 1963, Ren Zhengfei was accepted to the Chongqing Institute of Architecture and Engineering (later merged into Chongqing University). This was not an elite school like Tsinghua or Peking University in the capital. But for a small-town student who had just survived a famine, it was good enough indeed. Chongqing was a major inland city in Sichuan Province, which was known for its mouth-numbingly spicy cuisine and its surrounding bamboo forests, where giant pandas roamed. As a temporary wartime capital for the Nationalists in the early 1940s, it had munitions factories, heavy industry, and engineering schools.

The Great Leap Forward and the famine had ended, but Ren's college experience was still not a normal one. Mao thought young people were spending too much time with their noses in books. They should be learning by building things with their hands, with the peasantry as their tutors. In early 1964, Mao ordered universities to thin out curriculums, making room for students to learn through practical work. The professors at the Chongqing Institute of Architecture and Engineering were obliged to turn lectures into reading handouts and allow students to take open-book tests. Teams of students were sent out for stints on construction sites. Mao also ordered universities to participate in nationwide defense preparations, with students run through militia drills.

On the morning of May 14, 1966, students awoke to find all classes suspended for three days. Mao announced that class enemies had infiltrated the Communist Party and had to be rooted out. The Cultural Revolution had begun. At Ren's university, students and teachers were told to write "big-character posters," handwritten signs denouncing individuals as counterrevolutionaries. Before long, some four thousand posters papered the campus. By the summer, the professors were in terror as growing numbers of them were denounced. More and more of Ren's classmates wore the red armbands of the Red Guards, Mao's youth paramilitary organization, which was spearheading the hunt for counterrevolutionaries.

Reviews

PRAISE FOR HOUSE OF HUAWEI

“In House of Huawei, Eva Dou uncovers how Huawei has become China’s most successful tech company—and a lightning rod for geopolitical competition. Based on unique interviews and deep research into the company’s history, House of Huawei provides the most in-depth account of Huawei’s rise and its complex and controversial connections to China’s security state. House of Huawei is essential reading for understanding China’s tech sector and the China-US tech competition.”
—Chris Miller, author of Chip War

“A groundbreaking work on China’s most important company. More than online shopping or video apps, the Communist Party is obsessed with telecommunications networks, semiconductors, and surveillance systems. At last we have a book that unveils Huawei’s deepest mysteries.”
—Dan Wang, fellow at Yale Law School’s Paul Tsai China Center

“Eva Dou’s House of Huawei is an extraordinary feat of both reporting and historical research, providing an unprecedented look inside one of the world’s most important companies. Huawei is now a central player in the technological contest between the US and China, and this book is a fascinating account of how it became so powerful—and so controversial.”
—Matthew Campbell, co-author of Dead in the Water

“A revelatory deep dive into the company that sparked the US-China battle for technological supremacy. Vividly written, exhaustively researched, and packed with riveting inside-the-room details, House of Huawei is the most comprehensive account yet of China’s leading tech giant. An indispensable resource for understanding Chinese state capitalism and how it fuels geopolitical competition.”
—Edward Fishman, senior research scholar at Columbia University and author of Chokepoints

“A gripping read charting the ascent of Huawei, China’s tech powerhouse. Meticulously reported, Eva Dou’s narrative combines geopolitics, spying, and technological innovation with the human story of a former People’s Liberation Army engineer who became a global business titan.”
—Lionel Barber, former editor of the Financial Times

“In House of Huawei, journalist Eva Dou has written a fascinating and sweeping history of the company and the key individuals behind the firm’s success. Unlike most contemporary accounts of the company and its relationship to the Chinese government, [Dou’s narrative draws] out the contradictions in Huawei’s status as a reluctant national champion that founder Ren Zhengfei once complained was not trusted by either the Chinese or the US government. Dou provides a particularly rich story fabric that captures the company’s complex evolution over several decades as it has become the poster child of US-China technology competition. Required reading for any serious student of US-China relations and the race to dominate the technologies of the future. A superb and nuanced summary of the good, the bad, and the ugly that characterizes the firm’s history, and shows how the sausage was made with unflagging balance and fairness.”
—Paul Triolo, partner for China and technology policy lead at Albright Stonebridge Group

“A timely, clear, and undeniably worrying account.”
Kirkus

“Authoritative… a tale that sits at the heart of the most significant geopolitical relationship today.”
– Financial Times

“A comprehensive and instructive account of [Huawei's] rapid ascent to become ‘China’s most powerful company’... There’s probably no better account of China’s rise to economic dominance as seen through the prism of a single company.”
– The Wall Street Journal

Author

© Denis Largeron
Eva Dou is The Washington Post's China business and economy correspondent. A Detroit native, she previously spent seven years reporting on politics and technology for the Wall Street Journal in Beijing and Taipei, Taiwan. She is currently based in Washington D.C. View titles by Eva Dou